Virtual
War Memorial
Australia

Cyril Hazlewood Goode attested for the Australian Imperial Force on 7 January 1916, initially with the 11th Depot Battalion before eventually joining 42 Battalion of the AIF. Having been promoted to Corporal (with the rank of Acting Sergeant), he proceeded overseas, arriving in Southampton on 18 September 1917, and thence to France on 16 January 1918. He was reported missing on 12 August 1918 in the aftermath of the Battle of Amiens, in which 42 Battalion played a crucial role.

“I knew Sergeant Goode. C.; about 25, tall, medium build, fair, sometimes grew a moustache; he was an Englishman but joined in Brisbane. He was an instructor at Lark Hill for some time and came to France in December 1917. I saw him on August 12th 1918, broad daylight, just as we reached our objective at Proyart. He was behind a hedge on the enemy side of our objective and was firing his rifle at them. He was a crack shot. We held the position till dark and then fell back about 200 yards to the Railway Embankment and we were relieved by a British Regiment the same night. I fancy he must be a Prisoner of War as his body could not be found.” Testimony of 2605 Private Edmund Patrick Mears, 42 Battalion AIF, 6 November 1918

Cyril Hazlewood Goode was born in Highbury, London, in 1891, the only son of Arthur Goode (1853-1892) and Nelly Hazlewood (1866-1924). Arthur and Nelly had married in 1888. Arthur was a Publican, but according to the 1891 census, he was without a pub. He died a year later, in 1892. The family continued to live in London. In 1901, Cyril, at age 10, lived with his grandparents in London. At the same time, his mother was living with her brother in Clapham. He attended Margate College and Emmanuel College Wandsworth. In 1911, Nelly still lived in England, had remarried and ran a boarding house in Cambridgeshire. However, Cyril did not appear on the 1911 census. By then, he was living in Australia. In the intervening years between censuses, Cyril became an apprentice in the Merchant Navy at age 15 with Potter Bros. of London. He was indentured from 1906 until 1910.

He spent the four years of his apprenticeship sailing the world. He is recorded as having arrived in San Francisco on 16 November 1908 aboard the barque SS Wynford.

This was just over two years after the San Francisco earthquake devastated the city's brick buildings and wooden Victorian structures. However, two years on, rather than find a destroyed wasteland, Cyril found a city undergoing an enormous construction boom. His service in the merchant navy would see him travel the world.

Years later, his mother would write in response to the question regarding any other biographical details likely to be of interest to the Historian of the AIF;

"He was in the Merchant Service and served nearly four years. He had many narrow escapes from drowning". When referring to these narrow escapes, she may have been referring to the voyage outlined in the article below.

It was reported that the Wynford had experienced a succession of gales in its three-month voyage from London to Adelaide. The decks were constantly flooded and the crew suffered severe privations. During a hurricane, a big wave swept the whole of the starboard watch – six men, two boys and the second mate over the side. One of the boys may have been Cyril Goode. They were rescued but one of the men drowned. Months later, in January 1910, the management of his ship transferred from Potter Bros to Messrs J. Stewart and Co. of London.

In 1911, he arrived in Australia at age 19. The Wynford arrived in Adelaide from Monte Video, Uruguay, that year.

After his apprenticeship, he moved to Queensland. On the 1913 Queensland Electoral Roll, he listed his occupation as a contractor. A year later, the war broke out. However, Cyril Goode did not join up. On the 1915 Electoral Roll, he still listed his occupation as a contractor.

By the start of 1916, Cyril Goode had become a farmer in Maranoa, Queensland., 570kms west of Brisbane. However, after 16 months of the war, he enlisted in the AIF at age 24 on 7 January 1916. His Service Number was 1784.
On 14 April 1916, he was promoted to the rank of Corporal and then given Acting Sergeant status on 17 May 1916.

He left Brisbane for England aboard A.42 Boorara on 16 August 1916, arriving in Plymouth on 13 October 1916 as part of the 2nd Reinforcements 42 battalion. Boorara had been a German cargo ship, SS Pfalz, captured in Port Philip Bay, Victoria, at the start of the war. It had been transformed into a troop transport and renamed Boorara. It was now ten months since he'd joined up.

Cyril Goode now served almost a year as an Instructor at 11 Training Battalion, stationed at Larkhill. On 17 November 1916, he marched out from 11 Training Battalion and embarked for France from Southampton on 18 September 1917. As a Corporal, he proceeded to France, where he was Taken on Strength (TOS) with 42 Battalion on 30 September. The battalion was bivouacked at Poperinghe as part of 11 Brigade AIF. The brigade consisted of 41, 42, 43 and 44 battalions. Of these, the first two were drawn from Queensland, with 43 recruited mainly from South Australia and 44 from Western Australia. In addition to these battalions, the brigade was supported by 11 Field Ambulance, 11 Trench Mortar Battery and 11 Machine Gun Company. At the end of September, the battalion's strength was 43 officers and 978 other ranks. The battalion was near full strength. On 2 October, the battalion was entrained at Poperinghe for Ypres. The third battle of Ypres was about to begin.

The battalion's approach march toward the start line near Zonnebeke Railway was a difficult one. Several sharp showers rendered the ground saturated, and visibility was poor. At 5.15 am, a heavy artillery barrage began. The men had been on the move for over seven hours. At 6.00 am, after withstanding counter-battery fire from the German lines, the allied artillery reached a crescendo coming down on the enemy with ferocity and accuracy. 11 Brigade went forward in the attack. This would be Cyril Goode's first battle. Initially, 43 Battalion led the brigade's attack, with the 42nd advancing behind. The first objective was reached at 6.20 am, and consolidation commenced immediately. At 6.41 am, 42 Battalion passed through 43 Battalion's position and continued the attack.
During the advance from the first to the second objective, many enemy troops were observed running towards the Australian's advancing troops. They appeared to be attacking, and they were fired on, causing casualties; however, when it was found that they wished to surrender, they were allowed to drift through the Australian troops. Escorts were provided at the rate of one man to 20 prisoners. The Germans' long and heavy counter-battery fire made it difficult to evacuate the wounded. The second objective was reached on time, and consolidation started at once as dictated by the Field Service Regulations (FSR). The barrage halted 200 yards beyond the battalion for 47 minutes. Large numbers of prisoners were coming in. Altogether, 100 were taken by the 42nd alone. The ground was wet and shell-torn, rendering the consolidation arduous, but in two hours, 42 battalion was adequately entrenched.

During the afternoon of 4 October, the Germans made repeated counterattacks on 11 Brigade's front, which 41 Battalion now held. These were all repulsed. The 42 Battalion stayed in the line for another day before being relieved on the morning of 6 October. They'd been in the line for 60 hours continuously. Casualties for 42 battalion were four officers killed and seven wounded and other ranks 220 killed and wounded. The battalion was then withdrawn for rest to Saint Lawrence camp at Brandhoek. The battalion strength had now declined to 32 officers and 773 other ranks. The roads and ground were in extremely poor condition. Cyril Goode had come through the first phase of Third Ypres. However, Passchendaele would be his next challenge.

On 8 October, 11 Brigade started preparations for another move to the Ypres front to take over from 66 British Division on 9 October. The weather remained terrible, and the ground became boggy, rendering transport very difficult. Heavy rain fell at intervals throughout the day and night. On 11 October, 66 Division attacked, but the result was only a partial success owing to the abnormal weather, the exhausted condition of the men and the awful state of the ground. On the night of 10 October, 11 Brigade relieved British troops, and 42 and 44 battalions held the front line. The 41st and 43rd Battalions were in reserve 365 metres in the rear. Cyril Goode and the other men of the 42nd took over from an exhausted British regiment that had suffered severely. The battalion occupied the left front from Ravenbeke to Augustus Wood.

What Cyril Goode and the rest of the battalion found must have been truly awful, for the regiment they had relieved had suffered so severely that the men were in a complete state of exhaustion. In one small section alone, 57 had been sniped in one day. The dead and dying lay around in heaps whilst the numerous wounded were groaning and unattended. Those who formed the survivors had very little food. The relief had to be carried out in daylight, and the enemy observed the battalion's movement. This caused an immediate artillery barrage which inflicted many casualties and disorganised the relief. The British regiment had failed to consolidate the line, so the 42nd had to occupy shell holes and carry out the work of consolidation of the trench line. The weather remained atrocious. The ground was so saturated that every trench, as it was dug, immediately filled with water and had to be abandoned for a new position.

During the first 12 hours of 42 battalion's time in the front line, enemy snipers were very active. Patrols were sent out, with one party on the left of the battalion's position penetrating as far as 900 metres towards Passchendaele without getting in touch with the enemy. 9 and 10 Brigades (together with the 11th, they comprised the Australian 3rd Division) attacked the morning of 13 October. 11 Brigade became the divisional reserve. The 42nd spent the day occupying shell holes. During this time, the battalion suffered mustard gas attacks. This was a genuinely horrifying weapon of war. The body parts that came in contact with the gas that remained low to the ground became blistered and very painful.

Between 4 October and 21 October, the battalion's casualties were 438. The 42nd had suffered five officers killed and ten wounded; other ranks 62 killed and 361 wounded, sick or missing. The fighting strength of the battalion was now reduced to eleven officers and 180 other ranks. The service record of Cyril Goode does not list him as wounded or sick during this engagement.

After suffering such significant losses, the battalion couldn't remain in the line. Therefore, it was welcome news to the exhausted remnant of 42 Battalion when they received word that they were being withdrawn to Remilly-Werquin to reorganise. Unfortunately, the weather remained miserable. With frost and significant rain, many sicknesses erupted because of colds, influenza, and chest troubles.

By 1 December, 42 Battalion's strength had recovered to 40 officers and 742 other ranks. The health of the battalion had steadily improved. But the weather was intensely cold, although dry. After this recovery period, the 42 re-entered the line on 19 December and spent Christmas 1917 in the trenches. They remained in the line until 31 December, when they were withdrawn to Birr Barracks adjacent to Locre, a little village on the Belgian frontier. Here the battalion received further reinforcements, bringing up the strength to 26 officers and 1063 other ranks.
The battalion was sent back to the trenches on 5 February, with Cyril Goode newly promoted to the rank of Lance Sergeant. He'd been promoted on 16 January. The battalion remained in the line for eight days. It then came out of line. At this time, the service records of Cyril Goode show that he went on leave to France. He remained on leave until rejoining the battalion on 21 March 1918. This coincided with the beginning of the German Spring Offensive.

On 21 March, the battalion received a warning to be prepared to move at six hours notice. For Cyril Goode, it was immediately back to the war. As events turned out, there was to be no more rest for the 42nd nor any other Australian unit until the cessation of hostilities. On this day, the Germans attacked the front of the British Fifth Army in the Somme region, this being possible because of the large number of troops that had been released from the Eastern Front after the collapse of Russian forces.

The 42nd was transferred from Flanders to the Somme, arriving in Lynde on 24 March. The next day they proceeded to Arques by an eleven-kilometre strenuous march in the rain. Arriving early in the morning, a scene of activity presented itself—the town teemed with troops belonging to every unit of 11 Brigade. At 8 o'clock on March 26, the battalion entrained for Doullens, which it reached at 3 pm. After entraining, little time was lost. The battalion marched singing "it's a long way to Tipperary" amidst wild cheers of congested throngs of French refugees moving in the other direction. The battalion saw hundreds of French civilian refugees thronging the highway and seriously impeding forward movement. On top of this, they saw retreating troops of the 5th Army. A rumour was circulating that German armoured cars were approaching and were only five kilometres away. The French refugees watched in despair as retreating troops passed them. However, they were spellbound at the contrasting sight of Australian soldiers in full fighting kit, swinging along, joking, smoking and laughing, with bands playing marching tunes in perfect order as they moved forward to meet the advancing Germans. Inspired with new hope, these refugees stopped their retreat and frantically cheered and waved with cries of "viva les Australiens".

On 27 March, the 42nd entered the line and held a front of roughly 1800 metres. An old trench system made by the French at the beginning of the war was converted into good trenches, although the dugouts were somewhat crude. The materials for making them were obtained from houses in a nearby deserted village. The landscape was quite different to Flanders. Here, the battalion found no shell holes or craters. No soil had been churned, ruining the contour of the landscape. The area was free from shrieking shells and the ceaseless rattle of machine guns. The place possessed an aspect of serenity rather than the crash and din of battle that the battalion had known whilst in the line in Flanders. However, that was all to change very soon.

The next day, the battalion consolidated its position. It carried out intensive patrolling. One of the 42nd patrols encountered a German patrol of five, of whom they killed four and wounded one, who they brought in as a prisoner. This was the first of numerous prisoners captured by the Australians in the newly established line. On 30 March, the frontline of the 42nd was subjected to severe shelling. A mass attack was imminent.

Soon after, waves of enemy troops came steadily forward. The assaulting troops came from Sally Lorette on the south to the Corby Bray road on the north, but all the assaults were stopped. By midday, the first phase of the attack, which was launched against the entire frontline, had been held up by the battalion's machine gun, Lewis gun and rifle fire. Shortly afterwards, the defence was strengthened by the arrival of 3 Divisional artillery, which immediately upon receiving word of the German attack, galloped into action, unlimbered the guns and poured devastating volleys into the advancing masses of German troops.

The enemy gained about 350 metres of territory. At 2:15 pm, the Germans launched another general advance on the whole front. Reinforcements were rushed across the ridges by the Germans. The Germans attempted to advance the entire line, but the concentration of fire brought to bear upon their assaulting troops was so intense that the attack was completely repulsed. Despite heavy shelling and the immense number of soldiers hurled against the 42nd, the battalion stuck at it. Men were laying wages in francs as to which would be the first to hit a specified German. Soon after three o'clock, the enemy realised the hopelessness of making any further progress. The Germans began to dig in for cover in isolated positions. But when sunset arrived, their intention to evacuate became obvious. Small parties of troops were seen moving away to the rear.
It is estimated that an entire brigade of enemy troops attacked the front occupied by the 42nd, and no less than 500 casualties were inflicted upon the attackers. German wounded were heard moaning throughout the night.

On 1 April, the battalion moved out of the line and bivouacked in the valley north of the village of Vaux-sur-Somme. On 7 April, the battalion re-entered the lines relieving 44 Battalion. The weather was wet and cold. Six days later, the battalion was withdrawn to the valley north of Vaux for rest. It did not return to the front line until 19 April. The German offensive had reduced in intensity, and the battalion settled into the more mundane aspects of trench life – providing working parties for carrying, wiring, digging and filling sandbags. To unsettle the opposite Germans, the battalion employed a system of continuous trench raids in which one officer and 20 other ranks would be utilised. Before hitting the trench, artillery would keep the Germans in their dugouts, developing into a box barrage. A box barrage created a barrier to block enemy troops' movement into the part of the trench system being attacked. Prisoners would then be brought back to the battalion for interrogation.

On 21 April, the 11 Brigade War Diary recorded the demise of Baron von Richthofen, who machine gunners of 4 Division AIF had brought down.

"The German champion airman who is reputed and claims to have brought down in combat 80 allied machines was shot down by a 24 Australian Machine Gun Company sergeant firing a Vickers MG."

After the mud of the trenches, the battalion moved to Bonnay, where the men enjoyed the luxury of regular baths. Unfortunately, the men were subjected to heavy shelling, including gas, during the baths. The battalion suffered 12 killed and 35 wounded, demonstrating that there remained a significant danger even when resting behind the front lines.

At the start of May 1918, the entire 3 Division was withdrawn for a brief rest, having spent two months either in the front line or just behind it. The battalion moved to La Houssaye and spent the time training, moving on to Querrieu on 9 May. It was here, Commander-in-Chief of British forces, General Sir Douglas Haig, inspected the brigade. As a result of a change in core policy the battalion was placed in Garrison in the La Houssaye system on a front of about 4000 metres dispositions were two companies in front and two companies in support positions. This occurred on 17 May, and the next day, the battalion moved to Villers-Bretonneux, where it was employed in improving the defence of the support and communications trenches.

The battalion suffered its worse gas attack of the entire war on 25 May. From 5.30 am, the Germans shelled the battalion's position with mustard gas on multiple occasions over several hours. The men had to wear their gas masks for over eight hours, meaning sleep was impossible. The climactic conditions meant that even after the shelling had subsided, on the next day, the sun's heat drew the fumes out of the trees in the nearby wood, and the wind then blew the gas towards the sleeping men of the battalion. The men's uniforms became utterly saturated. Every man in A and B companies was evacuated. The battalion numbers were significantly depleted, and the next day (27 May), Cyril Goode was appointed Temporary Sergeant when Sergeant Angus Fowler was evacuated.
At the start of June, the battalion, so depleted in strength that A Company was now a composite company, was put back into the line in front of Villers-Bretonneux. During this time, the men were subjected to another gas attack, this time phosgene. Two thousand rounds fell on the battalion, although no casualties were recorded.

The War Diary at the end of June records that the men had their first experience with tanks when they attended a demonstration at Vaux on 29 June. Two American platoons reported to the battalion the next day to gain experience before their first attack. At the end of the month, the battalion strength had been reduced to 33 officers and 669 other ranks.

On 2 July, the battalion was engaged in preparation for its next operation; the unit history referred to these as "stunts", and this one would be a significant one, now known as the battle of Hamel. On 3 July, the battalion moved into the trenches preparing for the attack. The Americans assigned to 11 Brigade were withdrawn just before the attack, which went in on 4 July, with 2,200 men. The front allotted to 42 battalion was from the south bank of the Somme to the road north of Hamel.

At 2 am, the entire battalion moved up to the assembly tapes and arrived without incident. Preparations were all complete. At 8 minutes to zero hour, the Australian artillery put down heavy harassing fire upon all the enemy positions. It was necessary to achieve a surprise. For the preceding nights prior to the attack, the artillery had been sending over a regular organised "shoot" which had created the sense that there was nothing out of the ordinary in the mind of the Germans. However, this attack from the artillery was used to drown out the noise of the tanks as they took up their positions.

The unit history records that waiting in no man's land on assembly lines was always a time of tension. The battalion's veterans included Cyril Goode, who had survived Passchendaele. They knew the danger and seriousness of the work that was soon to be carried out and knew that they needed to maintain silence to ensure success. There were always anxious moments before an attack. However, the men tried to assuage their fears by rolling cigarettes and smoking. At 3:10 am, the offensive opened with a mighty artillery barrage that fell 350 metres ahead of the battalion's frontline. The whole area was alight with gun flashes. Immediately the artillery started the harassing fire. The tanks began moving forward and continued moving with their guns firing so that by the time zero hour was reached, they were well ahead of the battalion. Thirty-five tanks were employed in the attack, 33 of which were fighters and two of which were supply tanks. A creeping barrage was used in the attack, and it moved forward, finishing up to 500 metres beyond the objective, where it remained for one hour. As soon as the barrage lifted, the battalion went forward. The battalion attacked machine gun positions and other strong points with tank support. At this point, the Australians met an enemy tank that disabled one of the battalion's supporting tanks. Overall the combined arms of artillery, tank support and infantry were highly effective; however, German machine guns still inflicted casualties on the battalion. These enemy machine guns were knocked out via the use of Mills bombs. The battalion captured the headquarters of the opposing enemy, where they found numerous documents and maps and an abundance of food that had only recently been delivered.

Achieving its objective, the battalion now consolidated its position and prepared for counterattacks, sending out patrols to ensure an early warning. Mopping up continued throughout the day, and several prisoners were sent back to the rear. The Germans launched a very determined counterattack at dusk, but they were driven back with heavy loss. The remainder of the night passed quietly. The total battalion casualties for this operation were two officers and one other rank killed, 48 other ranks wounded. On the night of 5 July, the battalion was relieved and moved to La Neuville. The battalion went into bivouac and prepared to march to Daours, where they were met by bus, which transported them to Allonville, which they reached by 1 pm on 6 July. The battalion had been in the line for four days.
After the stay at Allonville, the battalion moved back to the Hamel sector, where they experienced a mustard gas attack on 17 July. No casualties were reported. Here they remained until 4 August when the battalion moved to Corbie. The battalion was shown a complete replica of the ground over which their next attack would be undertaken. The exact date remained a secret. Comprehensive refitting and reequipping were undertaken. The battalion was about to enter its last great act of the war.

On 8 August at 3:30 am, one hour before zero hour, the battalion was assembled at the jumping-off tape. The movement towards the jumping-off tape had been carried out without the slightest hitch. At zero hour (4:20 am), the Australian artillery opened up, and the enemy responded with its artillery. The battalion started forward immediately with a significant number of tanks in support. There was a dense and heavy fog. This fog rendered observation almost impossible and caused considerable difficulty in the battalion maintaining direction and keeping in touch. However, it also prevented the Germans from observing the battalion's movements. The 42nd attack was on the left flank of the Australian Corps and was directed along the south bank of the Somme River on a frontage of 600 metres. 44 battalion was on the south flank, whilst 41 battalion was in support and 43 battalion in reserve. The attack was pressed home according to plan. Germans surrendered to the battalion in large numbers, and the first objective was reached by 7:30 am. Consolidation work then began. Battalion headquarters were established at Warfusse-Gailly at 8:30 am. The battalion cookers were brought up at this point, and a hot breakfast was served to the men in the frontline before 9:00 am. This was considered a remarkable achievement, as never before had the cookers been so close to the front line in an attack. The battalion that day took 300 prisoners and captured three '77 guns, 25 machine guns, seven trench mortars, and a large quantity of ammunition and stores at the cost of a few casualties. The battalion headquarters were established in a locality that had been well behind the enemy's front line seven hours before. The Germans referred to 8 August 1918 as the "Black Day".

The following day the battalion rested and, on 10 August, were ordered to take over the positions of 14 battalion at Morcourt. The brigade was now in the vicinity of Proyart. The disposition of the brigade had 41 battalion on the right, 43 battalion on the left, 42 battalion in support and 44 battalion in reserve. 11 Machine Gun Company with its 16 guns and 11 Trench Mortars assisted each battalion.

12 August was the day the battalion history referred to as the "Daylight Stunt". Commencing 7:00 am, 10 brigade reported their patrols were east of Proyart. 42 and 43 battalions were ordered to establish themselves in their assigned positions. 42 battalion immediately sent out patrols, and they engaged the enemy, firmly holding St Germains Wood. These patrols captured the wood along with 60 prisoners from a flanking movement. No artillery support was utilised during this attack. The general advance continued; however, strong positions were encountered, and progress was slow. This was accentuated by the misunderstanding of a verbal message, whereby the troops that should have supported the battalion on the left did not materialise until later than planned. This rendered the left flank of the battalion exposed. During this fighting, enemy artillery fired heavily upon the battalion's newly acquired territory, mixing gas and high explosive shells. During this operation, the battalion was assisted by 44 battalion, which acted as carrying parties in the afternoon. One hundred ten prisoners were brought in. Attacking such a position in broad daylight required a very high standard of leadership, courage, and efficiency from all ranks of the battalion. The Unit History recorded that they responded to their demands in every way, and the day's exploits resulted in considerable success. This was attributed to the "visible dash and spirit of all the men concerned". However, at the same time, casualties caused by enemy artillery fire had been significant.

The lack of support on the flank caused considerable problems based on the messages in the battalion's War Diary including this one from 12 August 1918.

“We are being heavily shelled and MG from front and left flank. We are on objective. In touch with C. No one on left flank. Casualties heavy.”

This message encapsulates the difficulties that the Battalion’s left Company [assumed to be “D”] was encountering. Having achieved its objective, it was left exposed due to no flank support.

At the conclusion of this action, Cyril Goode was reported as Missing in Action. Months later, his exact fate was still being determined. Evidence was assembled and a Court of Enquiry held in March 1919.

At the enquiry the following statement was made by 1873 Sergeant Albert Bannah. Bannah had joined in Brisbane two weeks after Cyril and after their period in the Training Battalions had been Taken on Strength of 42 Battalion just one week apart.

“I last saw T/Sergt. Goode C.H. about 3 pm on the 12th August near Proyart. He was then about 150 yards in advance of our lines. There was no one with him. I did not see him after that day, and I think I was the man in my Bn. to see him.” [Statement from 1872 Sergeant A. Bannah, 42nd Battalion given at Longbridge Devill on 25 November 1918]

However, this statement conflicted with that of 2055 Private J. Campbell.

“I believe that No. 1784 T/Sgt. Goode. C.H., 42nd Battalion, was killed by a sniper near Chapally on the 8.8.18. I did not witness the occurrence but was informed to that effect by two Australian soldiers whose names I do not know”. [Statement from 2056 Private J. Campbell, 42nd Battalion given at Sutton Veny on 20 November 1918]

A later statement from Sergeant Bannah, now with the 15th Battalion provided the following;

“I was in company with 1784 T/Sgt. Goode. C.H. on Aug, 12th 1918, at between Proyart and Chaugnes (France) during an action about 1430. The last I saw of Sgt. Goode was when he left our position and walked over a ridge in the direction of the enemy. He never returned and was not afterwards seen by me or any of our men.” [Statement from 2056 Private J. Campbell, 42nd Battalion given at Longbridge Deverill on 21 December 1918]

Sergeant Bannah was adamant that Private Campbell’s account was incorrect. He said as much in a letter to J.W. McPherson, Cyril’s uncle who lived in Strathbourne Road, Balham on 12 October 1918.

“Your letter to hand , which I am ony too pleased to give all information I can in regards to C.H. Goode. I can only say for sure the statement made by Pte. J. Campbell is absolutely incorrect. If he knew of this happening to a C.H. Goode, it is not Cyril. I do not know of a Campbell in the same Company as Cyril. I have been in this Coy. for three years and knew every man in it and I can say that I was the last man in the Battalion to see Cyril. The statement I gave Cyril’s mother was correct. I say it was on 12-8-18 we attacked between Chagnels and Proyart on the Somme at 2.30 pm. We advanced between 800 and 1000 yards when we decided to dig in. Cyril and I were together, I told him we were going to dig in. He went about 50 yards ahead of our front line. He was sniping at the Huns. I called to him to come back, the enemy was going to counter attack. He disappeared around a hedge and I never saw him again. I can nearly say for sure he was taken prisoner, for next morning we went over the same ground as he was on and if he had been killed we would have seen his body, which was not there or no trace of him.”

“If he is dead the Huns have killed him after taking him, Sir I think this is all the information I can give regarding Cyril’s fate, but if at anytime I can be of any service to you I am only too willing to do so. I can swear on my oath all me statement is true.”

A statement dated 6 November 1918 from 2605 Private Edmund Patrick Mears, 42 Battalion AIF seems to more closely resemble Sergeant Bannah’s account;
“I knew Sergeant Goode. C.; about 25, tall, medium build, fair, sometimes grew a moustache; he was an Englishman but joined in Brisbane. He was an instructor at Lark Hill for some time and came to France in December 1917. I saw him on August 12th 1918, broad daylight, just as we reached our objective at Proyart. He was behind a hedge on the enemy side of our objective and was firing his rifle at them. He was a crack shot. We held the position till dark and then fell back about 200 yards to the Railway Embankment and we were relieved by a British Regiment the same night. I fancy he must be a P/War as his body could not be found.”

A statement dated 22 January 1919 from 3433 Private A.E. Askew, 42 Battalion AIF, contained the following;

“He was killed at Merlancourt by a bullet. I saw his body when he was carried out. I am certain he was buried in the Military Cemetery near Merlancourt.”
A statement from Lieutenant G.W.F. O’Connell, 42 Battalion AIF, dated 6 May 1919.

“I didn’t see Ewing and Goode killed during a daylight advance about midday Aug. 12th by M.G. bullets and I don’t know where they were hit but the bodies were afterwards found by Padre Jones and he buried them near a cross on a shrine in the vicinity of Proyart.”

Chasing down the Prisoner of War angle on 10 October 1919 Captain Mills reported “no trace Germany.”

It would not be until 6 March 1919 that his records would show that the accounts of Bannah and Mears became the accepted one and his fate was amended by the 42 Battalion’s Court of Enquiry to be Killed in Action on 12 August 1918.

Cyril Goode has no known grave and is commemorated on the Villers-Bretonneux Memorial, France and the Tiaro War Memorial in Queensland, a short drive from Bauple, where he took up farming prior to enlistment.